Watch Rope of Solidarity | English version Online. TM + © 2. 01. 7 Vimeo, Inc. All rights reserved. Made with in NYC. · The founding of Solidarity is now the stuff of legend, but in the summer of 1980 the outcome of the workers’ protests seemed uncertain at best. Find information about "rope" watch "rope" on AllMovie. 829 search results for rope. Movie. Rope (1948. Rope of Solidarity (2013). ‘The Simple Principles of Solidarity and Subsidiarity. The principle of solidarity is simply that no man is an. one thinks it is a rope because he is.
History of Solidarity - Wikipedia. The history of Solidarity (Polish: Solidarność, pronounced [sɔliˈdarnɔɕt͡ɕ] ( listen)), a Polish non- governmental trade union, began on 1. August 1. 98. 0, at the Lenin Shipyards (now Gdańsk Shipyards) at its founding by Lech Wałęsa and others. In the early 1. 98. Soviet- bloc country. Rope Of Solidarity 2011Solidarity gave rise to a broad, non- violent, anti- communist social movement that, at its height, claimed some 9. It is considered to have contributed greatly to the fall of communism. Poland's communist government attempted to destroy the union by instituting martial law in 1. The Roundtable Talks between the government and the Solidarity- led opposition resulted in semi- free elections in 1. By the end of August 1. Solidarity- led coalition government had been formed, and, in December 1. Wałęsa was electedpresident. This was soon followed by the dismantling of the communist governmental system and by Poland's transformation into a modern democratic state. Solidarity's early survival represented a break in the hard- line stance of the communist. Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), and was an unprecedented event; not only for the People's Republic of Poland—a satellite of the USSR ruled by a one- partycommunist regime—but for the whole of the Eastern bloc. Solidarity's example led to the spread of anti- communist ideas and movements throughout the Eastern Bloc, weakening communist governments. This process later culminated in the Revolutions of 1. In the 1. 99. 0s, Solidarity's influence on Poland's political scene waned. A political arm of the "Solidarity" movement, Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS), was founded in 1. Polish parliamentary elections in 1. Thereafter, Solidarity had little influence as a political party, though it did become the largest trade union in Poland. Pre–1. 98. 0 roots[edit]In the 1. Solidarity in particular, and of dissident movements in general, was fed by a deepening crisis within Soviet- influenced societies. There was declining morale, worsening economic conditions (a shortage economy), and growing stress from the Cold War.[1] After a brief boom period, from 1. Polish government, led by Party First Secretary Edward Gierek, precipitated a slide into increasing depression, as foreign debt mounted.[2] In June 1. Płock, Radom and Ursus.[3] When these incidents were quelled by the government, the worker's movement received support from intellectual dissidents, many of them associated with the Committee for Defense of the Workers (Polish: Komitet Obrony Robotników, abbreviated KOR), formed in 1. The following year, KOR was renamed the Committee for Social Self- defence (KSS- KOR). On October 1. 6, 1. Bishop of Kraków, Karol Wojtyła, was elected Pope John Paul II. A year later, during his first pilgrimage to Poland, his masses were attended by hundreds of thousands of his countrymen. The Pope called for the respecting of national and religious traditions and advocated for freedom and human rights, while denouncing violence. To many Poles, he represented a spiritual and moral force that could be set against brute material forces, he was a bellwether of change, and became an important symbol—and supporter—of changes to come.[5][6]Early strikes (1. Strikes did not occur merely due to problems that had emerged shortly before the labor unrest, but due to governmental and economic difficulties spanning more than a decade. In July 1. 98. 0, Edward Gierek's government, facing economic crisis, decided to raise prices while slowing the growth of wages. At once there ensued a wave of strikes and factory occupations,[1] with the biggest strikes taking place in the area of Lublin. The first strike started on July 8, 1. State Aviation Works in Świdnik. Although the strike movement had no coordinating center, the workers had developed an information network to spread news of their struggle. A "dissident" group, the Workers' Defence Committee (KOR), which had originally been set up in 1. At the Lenin Shipyard in Gdańsk, the firing of Anna Walentynowicz, a popular crane operator and activist, galvanized the outraged workers into action.[1][7]On August 1. Free Trade Unions of the Coast (Wolne Związki Zawodowe Wybrzeża).[8] The workers were led by electrician Lech Wałęsa, a former shipyard worker who had been dismissed in 1. August 1. 4.[1] The strike committee demanded the rehiring of Walentynowicz and Wałęsa, as well as the according of respect to workers' rights and other social concerns. In addition, they called for the raising of a monument to the shipyard workers who had been killed in 1. The Polish government enforced censorship, and official media said little about the "sporadic labor disturbances in Gdańsk"; as a further precaution, all phone connections between the coast and the rest of Poland were soon cut.[1] Nonetheless, the government failed to contain the information: a spreading wave of samizdats (Polish: bibuła),[1. Robotnik (The Worker), and grapevine gossip, along with Radio Free Europe broadcasts that penetrated the Iron Curtain,[1. Solidarity movement quickly spread. Strikers waiting in front of the Lenin Shipyard. On August 1. 6, delegations from other strike committees arrived at the shipyard.[1] Delegates (Bogdan Lis, Andrzej Gwiazda and others) together with shipyard strikers agreed to create an Inter- Enterprise Strike Committee (Międzyzakładowy Komitet Strajkowy, or MKS).[1] On August 1. Henryk Jankowski, performed a mass outside the shipyard's gate, at which 2. MKS were put forward. The list went beyond purely local matters, beginning with a demand for new, independent trade unions and going on to call for a relaxation of the censorship, a right to strike, new rights for the Church, the freeing of political prisoners, and improvements in the national health service.[1]Next day, a delegation of KORintelligentsia, including Tadeusz Mazowiecki, arrived to offer their assistance with negotiations. A bibuła news- sheet, Solidarność, produced on the shipyard's printing press with KOR assistance, reached a daily print run of 3. Meanwhile, Jacek Kaczmarski's protest song, Mury (Walls), gained popularity with the workers.[1. On August 1. 8, the Szczecin Shipyard joined the strike, under the leadership of Marian Jurczyk. A tidal wave of strikes swept the coast, closing ports and bringing the economy to a halt. With KOR assistance and support from many intellectuals, workers occupying factories, mines and shipyards across Poland joined forces. Within days, over 2. By August 2. 1, most of Poland was affected by the strikes, from coastal shipyards to the mines of the Upper Silesian Industrial Area (in Upper Silesia, the city of Jastrzębie- Zdrój became center of the strikes, with a separate committee organized there, see Jastrzębie- Zdrój 1. More and more new unions were formed, and joined the federation. Thanks to popular support within Poland, as well as to international support and media coverage, the Gdańsk workers held out until the government gave in to their demands. On August 2. 1 a Governmental Commission (Komisja Rządowa) including Mieczysław Jagielski arrived in Gdańsk, and another one with Kazimierz Barcikowski was dispatched to Szczecin. On August 3. 0 and 3. September 3, representatives of the workers and the government signed an agreement ratifying many of the workers' demands, including the right to strike.[1] This agreement came to be known as the August or Gdańsk agreement (Porozumienia sierpniowe).[7] Other agreements were signed in Szczecin (the Szczecin Agreement of August 3. Jastrzębie- Zdrój on September 3. It was called the Jastrzębie Agreement (Porozumienia jastrzebskie) and as such is regarded as part of the Gdańsk agreement. Though concerned with labor- union matters, the agreement enabled citizens to introduce democratic changes within the communist political structure and was regarded as a first step toward dismantling the Party's monopoly of power.[1. The workers' main concerns were the establishment of a labor union independent of communist- party control, and recognition of a legal right to strike. Workers' needs would now receive clear representation.[1. Another consequence of the Gdańsk Agreement was the replacement, in September 1. Edward Gierek by Stanisław Kania as Party First Secretary.[1. First Solidarity (1. Encouraged by the success of the August strikes, on September 1. Lech Wałęsa, formed a nationwide labor union, Solidarity (Niezależny Samorządny Związek Zawodowy (NSZZ) "Solidarność").[1][7][1. It was the first independent labor union in a Soviet- bloc country.[1. Its name was suggested by Karol Modzelewski, and its famous logo was conceived by Jerzy Janiszewski, designer of many Solidarity- related posters. The new union's supreme powers were vested in a legislative body, the Convention of Delegates (Zjazd Delegatów). The executive branch was the National Coordinating Commission (Krajowa Komisja Porozumiewawcza), later renamed the National Commission (Komisja Krajowa). The Union had a regional structure, comprising 3. On December 1. 6, 1. Monument to Fallen Shipyard Workers was unveiled in Gdansk, and on June 2. Poznan, which commemorated the Poznań 1. On January 1. 5, 1. Solidarity delegation, including Lech Wałęsa, met in Rome with Pope John Paul II. From September 5 to 1. September 2. 6 to October 7, Solidarity's first national congress was held, and Lech Wałęsa was elected its president.[1. Last accord of the congress was adoption of republican program "Self- governing Republic".[1. March 2. 0–2. 1, 1. Wieczór Wrocławia (The Wrocław Evening). Blank spaces remain after the government censor has pulled articles from page 1 (right, "What happened at Bydgoszcz?") and from the last page (left, "Country- wide strike alert"), leaving only their titles. The printers—Solidarity- trade- union members—have decided to run the newspaper as is, with blank spaces intact. The bottom of page 1 of this master copy bears the hand- written Solidarity confirmation of that decision.
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